Republicans’ fictional portrait is part of a strategy to stop the resistance before it flexes its growing power.
By Jill Lawrence
You might find this hard to believe, but Donald Trump and his fellow Republicans are making stuff up. This is a go-to move when they fear their power and corrupt authoritarian plans are at risk, and that’s happening a lot lately. Now, with millions of people signed up to attend thousands of “No Kings” demonstrations Saturday across America, the GOP’s desperation meter is at DEFCON 1.
The alarm is clear from the overwrought Republican leaders spouting hallucinatory talking points in which “No Kings” protests become “‘Hate America’ rallies.” They are weaving a tale of extremists, terrorists, Marxists, agitators, “the pro-Hamas crowd” (House Speaker Mike Johnson’s phrase), and professional protesters supposedly paid by billionaire George Soros. It’s straight-up fearmongering.
None of this protest is in any way evil or illegal or, as Johnson argues, “an outrageous gathering for outrageous purposes.”
In truth, anti-Trump protests, like the first “No Kings” demonstrations earlier this year, have drawn people of all backgrounds, united not by payment but by their deep concern — even despair — about what’s happening to their country. Some may show up this weekend wearing inflatable costumes as frogs, chickens, bears, dinosaurs or unicorns, as they have in Portland, Oregon, and outside Chicago. In D.C., we might once again see and hear a trombonist with the stage name Michael McTrouserpants.
Whoever attends, there will undoubtedly be countless signs and flags. Some of them admittedly, will bear impolite messages, but none of this protest is in any way evil or illegal or, as Johnson argues, “an outrageous gathering for outrageous purposes.” Peaceful protest is a constitutional right enshrined in the First Amendment — and peaceful protest is almost entirely what we’ve seen. Harvard’s Crowd Counting Consortium project reported that less than 0.5% of the first No Kings demonstrations on June 14 — one of the largest single-day protests in U.S. history — had injuries or property damage.
While the president and his allies have been known to revel in violence against Trump’s political opponents, the No Kings website features links to primers on safety, de-escalation, and “sacred” religious protest traditions, and this stern warning: “A core principle behind all No Kings events is a commitment to nonviolent action. We expect all participants to seek to de-escalate any potential confrontation with those who disagree with our values and to act lawfully at these events. Weapons of any kind, including those legally permitted, should not be brought to events.”
As it happens, a core principle behind the founding of the United States is “No Kings.” It’s why we split from England and elect our own leaders, for better or (alas) for worse. Now, 250 years into our independent nationhood, Trump is half-heartedly denying that he is or wants to be a monarch — even as he unilaterally resuscitates the divine right of kings and either believes or pretends that he can do anything he wants, unaccountable to any earthly authority.
In just the past few days, Trump threatened to withhold money from New York City if, as seems likely, democratic socialist Zohran Mamdani wins the mayoral race next month. He bragged about closing “Democrat programs” while keeping Republicans’ open. He boasted that he could get the Olympics moved out of Los Angeles and the World Cup out of Boston if he wanted. He announced a U.S. military strike on a fifth boat of alleged narcotics traffickers, which killed six people and was, like the earlier ones, illegal. Criticizing court rulings against his tariffs, Trump said that “we’re allowed to do whatever we want.”
Nonviolent public protests can generate dramatic changes in public opinion.
The fictional GOP portrait of protesters as deplorables and undesirables is part of a strategy to stop the resistance before it flexes its growing power against a president who is already decidedly unpopular. Nonviolent public protests can generate dramatic changes in public opinion and, ultimately, in public awareness and public policy as well.
Popular resistance is a vital factor in defeating authoritarianism, Rep. Jamie Raskin told a Guardian reporter in April. “It’s not a guarantee,” he said, “but you need to have national mass popular action at the same time that you’ve got an effective legislative strategy, too.” The U.S. Civil Rights Movement is a prominent example of a multiracial movement dismantling “an odious form of white supremacist authoritarianism,” in scholar Maria Stephan’s phrase, when nonviolent tactics like boycotts, sit-ins and other civil disobedience forced America to take a hard look at itself.
In a better world, congressional Republicans would join with Democrats to check Trump’s authoritarian dreams. In our world, until Democrats win back some power or Republicans suddenly come to their senses, peaceful public protests — the more, the better — are absolutely necessary to keep this country a land of “No Kings.”
