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Republicans Are a Tragedy; Democrats are A Disaster
By Michael Applebaum
Nov. 16, 2025
As a political Independent, I read and listen to the full spectrum of information from left to right before deciding what to support, what not to support, and what to propose that differs from what is offered.
Something that has struck me is how the two sides have established two very different narratives, based on two distinct literary genres, which inform two very different worldviews.
Republicans are to Democrats (including Progressives/Liberals/Socialists) as Tragedy is to Disaster.
Some may think that Tragedy and Disaster are synonymous. This is an error. The two are quite different, and equalizing their meanings is sloppy and misleading.
The word disaster originates from the Latin-rooted term that literally means “ill-starred” or “bad star.” It entered English via the Middle French désastre and Old Italian disastro. The term combines the Latin prefix dis- (meaning “bad” or “ill”) with astrum (“star”), which itself derives from the Ancient Greek ástron (ἄστρον), meaning “star.”
This etymology reflects an ancient astrological belief that catastrophic events were caused by unfavorable positions of stars or planets, dictating unfortunate fate or misfortune. Historically, “disaster” did not denote the catastrophic event itself but rather the astrological influence believed to bring about such events.
Over time, the focus shifted from the supposed celestial cause to the actual calamity—the harmful event that affects lives, property, and societies. In summary, “disaster” etymologically means an ill-omened or “bad star,” symbolizing the belief that fate or destiny, influenced by the heavens, brought forth misfortune or calamity.
The word tragedy derives from the Ancient Greek term τραγῳδία (tragōidía)—literall y meaning “goat song.” It is a compound of τράγος (trágos), meaning “male goat,” and ᾠδή (ōidḗ), meaning “song” or “ode.” Tragedy refers to ritual performances in ancient Athens where choruses dressed in goat skins performed songs honoring the god Dionysus. Early tragedy was a choral form connected with religious festivals and sacrificial rites, a communal and ritualistic expression of human experience and fate.
The evolution of the word tragedy from its original etymological meaning to its current literary sense as a serious, somber dramatic work centered on the downfall of a central character is deeply rooted in ancient Greek culture and philosophy. The transformation of tragedy into a literary and dramatic genre focused on moral and psychological complexity was most profoundly shaped by Aristotle in his work Poetics (c. 335 BCE).
Aristotle defined tragedy as a narrative involving a noble or admirable protagonist who experiences a reversal of fortune (peripeteia) from good to bad, brought about not by moral depravity but by a “fatal flaw” or error called hamartia. This flaw leads inexorably to the protagonist’s downfall, evoking emotions of pity and fear in the audience, which Aristotle described as resulting in catharsis—a purging or cleansing of those emotions.
Over time, tragedy became recognized as a dramatic form that depicts the profound human condition—hubris, fate, moral conflict, suffering, and existential awareness. Renowned tragedians such as Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides expanded the genre from ritual chorus to dramatizations with complex characters and personal dilemmas. Shakespeare and later dramatists adapted and broadened the tragedy’s scope, but the core notion remained: a serious, dignified work portraying the downfall of a central figure due to critical choices, character flaws, or response to circumstances.
In summary, tragedy evolved from sacred ritual (“goat song”) to a sophisticated artistic genre centered on the downfall of a morally ambiguous protagonist, highlighting universal human themes through a structured narrative intended to provoke emotional and philosophical reflection.
Comparing the two and distilling them to their essences, tragedy always involves individual choice (agency) marred by character flaws, and disaster always involves the result of events out of the control of the individual. In tragedy, the individual is responsible for a bad outcome. In disaster, a larger system is responsible for the individual’s bad outcome.
So for those among us who think Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet is a tragedy, think again. Their relationship was a complete disaster. They were “star-crossed” lovers. The universe opposed their relationship. Their relationship was fated to fail, and nothing, nothing, they could do would ever change that.
At the heart of the American political divide lies a profound moral disagreement about causality—whether human struggle originates in collective systems or individual acts.
For Democrats, injustice and suffering largely stem from external arrangements: economic systems, social hierarchies, and institutional power dynamics. For Republicans, adversity is more often a byproduct of personal decision-making, discipline, and moral character rather than structural constraint. This divergence forms the organizing principle of their moral universes, shaping everything from welfare policy to education, criminal justice, and healthcare.
Democrat Belief: Systemic Causes, i.e., Disasters
Democrat thought, rooted in progressive, liberal, and sometimes socialist traditions, views citizens as deeply shaped by the systems into which they are born. Structural inequality—manifeste d in class, race, and gender hierarchies—creates enduring disadvantages that individuals cannot easily overcome by effort alone.
In this worldview, the economy and institutions are not neutral fields of merit but weighty architectures of privilege and exclusion. Hence, a poor person is not merely someone who has failed to save or work harder, but someone overwhelmingly constrained by systemic barriers: underfunded schools, discriminatory lending, healthcare costs, and generational poverty.
Democrats see these as collective responsibilities rather than private misfortunes. Their moral reasoning thereby justifies intervention, whether through redistribution, regulation, and public investment, i.e., to repair an unjust system.
Republican Belief: Individual Responsibility, i.e., Tragedies
Republicans, by contrast, locate moral agency within the individual. Their philosophical inheritance stems from classical liberalism, Protestant ethics, and the republican ideal of self-reliance.
To them, human beings possess the capacity to choose virtue, enterprise, and prudence over sloth or vice. Consequently, inequalities in outcome are not necessarily evidence of injustice but of differences, whether in effort, in prudence, in values.
Republican discourse often warns that government overreach displaces the very virtues of independence and responsibility needed for a free society to endure. Welfare dependency, for example, is seen not as the system trapping the poor but as the erosion of personal initiative through misplaced compassion. Policies should therefore aim to strengthen moral character and unleash private initiative, rather than compensating indefinitely for its absence.
Both perspectives claim to uphold justice but define it differently. For Democrats, justice means fairness of conditions—removing perceived systemic impediments so everyone can start at an equitable (equal) point. For Republicans, justice means fairness of process—ensuring the freedom to act and reap the natural rewards or consequences of those actions.
The Democrat sees the struggling citizen as victimized by systems beyond control; the Republican sees the same citizen as endowed with agency that government paternalism risks destroying. Democrats trust coordinated reform to fix supposedly flawed systems; Republicans trust voluntary associations, families, churches, and markets to cultivate moral strength.
This philosophical split reaches beyond policy—it touches metaphysics itself. Democrats imply that the human person is largely determined by context; Republicans that the person transcends it. That is why Democrats speak of “changing the system,” while Republicans speak of “changing yourself.” One seeks liberation through external reform, the other through internal regeneration. The former diagnoses sin in structures; the latter in souls.
Ultimately, this opposition forms the enduring core of American political conflict: a debate over where the moral center of agency lies—in the system that shapes us, or in the self that chooses despite it.
Michael Applebaum is a physician and attorney in Chicago. He is a victim of the Chicago Public School system. Among other degrees, he earned one in Drama.
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Source: American Thinker
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